The article is focused on determining the dominant model of household time allocation in Russia based on the analysis of demographic, economic, social, and sociocultural factors. The main method of the study is a statistical analysis of the data from a household survey conducted by the Federal State Statistics Service of the Russian Federation in 2019 titled “Selective observation of the daily time use by the population”. The results of the study indicate an unfinished transition toward gender equality. The economic model of time allocation (the more one participates in the labor market, the less housework one does) is dominant during the work week, while the sociocultural model (gender determines the degree of workload in the household regardless of the level of employment in the labor market) takes precedence on the weekends. This is expressed in the increase in women’s unpaid work on weekends as compensation for missing out on household chores during the working weekdays. In addition, depending on the size of the gender gaps we identified “patriarchal” and “progressive” regions of Russia. Sociocultural characteristics turned out to be significant not only in the “patriarchal” regions but also in most of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation. Sociocultural attitudes weaken the economic model in the allocation of time between partners, especially on weekends. Thus, the economic model dominates on weekdays while the sociocultural one dominates on weekends.

gender equality, gender roles, transition toward gender equality, Russian households, time allocation, time use, unpaid labor

An analysis of men’s and women’s time use reveals a pronounced asymmetry in the time distribution for certain activities. Time gaps in unpaid work are a good indicator of gender inequality in modern societies, where the employment or education gap has narrowed or disappeared. Gender gaps in the distribution of unpaid labor negatively impact women’s and men’s quality of life and demographic trends; whereas the reduction of these gaps leads to an increase in fertility and the strength of marriages. For example, improved work-life balance and increased gender equality in households have led to higher fertility in many countries (Rindfuss et al. 2003; Da Rocha and Fuster 2006; Lacalle-Calderon et al. 2017; Zhou and Kan 2019; Duvander et al. 2019). In an egalitarian family, it also reduces the conflict level (Marks et al. 2009).

Gender gaps in household time allocation exist to varying degrees in all countries. Yet, two questions remain unanswered. First, what level of the gender gap should be considered a negative factor for the development of society? And second, what determinants do influence the size of this gap?

It is evident that no society aspires to a fifty-to-fifty ratio in the distribution of unpaid work. However, reducing gender inequality in housework usually has positive demographic and social consequences (Kalabikhina et al. 2021). Moreover, it is important to consider the motivation behind the distribution of unpaid work: rational maximization of the prosperity of partners or the fulfillment of socially constructed gender roles, which may lead to an increased burden on women in societies with high levels of female labor market participation. Namely, which pattern of household time allocation dominates in society – economic (the more one participates in the labor market, the less housework one does) or sociocultural (gender determines the degree of workload in the household regardless of the level of employment in the labor market) (Coltrane 2000)?

The answer to this question can be useful in determining what impacts the allocation of household time in a particular country, and thus what social policies will help to improve household time allocation and increase gender equality.

Although childcare is an important component of unpaid work, in this paper we focus only on the analysis of the gender gap in household time and its determinants. According to the results of various studies, there has been no significant progress towards gender equality in the distribution of partners’ household time, but not in the childcare time distribution. Based on the results of previous research, the gender gaps in childcare time mostly decrease due to the increase in the significance of parent-child time and parents’ feelings. Hence, it is easier to assess the dominance of the economic or sociocultural model in household time allocation. We include the gender gap in childcare time only as an independent variable when analyzing the gender gap in household time.

Thus, this study sets forth the following objectives: first, to assess the gender gap in household time distribution in Russian households; second, to identify the dominant model of time distribution; and finally, to establish the relationship between the gender gap and its socioeconomic and demographic determinants.

Previously, researchers have proposed various theories to explain the existence of differences in time distribution. The main approaches are Becker’s theory of the allocation of time, the time availability theory, “doing gender”, and explanations through economic bargaining models. Most of them are gender-neutral and adhere to the economic concept of time allocation. Becker’s theory of the allocation of time is based on labor specialization with rational maximization of partners’ total utility. Thus, the higher-paid partner does the paid work, while the unpaid work goes to the second partner (Becker 1965). In the time availability theory, the partner who has more free time does the unpaid work (Coverman 1985; Bianchi 2000). However, not all approaches support the decision to share household chores. Economic bargaining models contrast male and female interests. Housework is seen as an undesirable activity that each partner tries to shift onto the other. The decisive factor is the advantage in wages and educational level.

Among others, the approach of “doing gender” according to which partners play individual gender roles stands out (West and Zimmerman 1987). Sociocultural characteristics come to the fore. The partners’ beliefs are based on the labor division between their parents and the gender ideology accepted in the country. If partners’ beliefs do not concur, women usually change their behavior model. Thus, gender gaps continue to exist because the more influential partner wants to maintain an unequal distribution of responsibilities (McGinnity and Russell 2008).

Researchers of gender inequality in time distribution consider various factors – demographic, economic, social, and sociocultural. The sociocultural ones are difficult to define due to the lack of universally accepted indicators, but researchers have found several ways. For example, Dutch researchers used a country’s masculinity index to account for cultural characteristics. The index describes society’s degree of division by gender roles, according to which men are assertive, tough, and focused on material gain, while women are modest, gentle, and caring. “Male” characteristics are valued more than “female” ones in masculine countries. It explains the women’s preference for work before marriage and fulfillment of gender roles after marriage. As a result, there is a strict specialization of work in masculine countries. In addition, cultural characteristics weaken the positive effects of other factors, such as increased female education (van der Lippe et al. 2011).

A woman’s high level of education reduces the gender gap in time allocation. According to the opportunity cost effect, women with a high level of education find it more expensive to engage in household chores. The alternative activity to unpaid work is employment, the payment for which increases as the level of education increases. However, researchers have found a reverse relationship for men – an increase in men’s contribution to housework as their educational attainment rises (McGinnity and Russell 2008).

Women’s participation in the labor market reduces the gender gap due to the decrease in available time and the increase in financial independence. However, not all countries have such a pattern. There can be a negative correlation between employment and unpaid work on weekdays, but a positive correlation on weekends. Thus, women do less housework during the week, but make up for it on weekends. (Gupta et al. 2015; Kalabikhina and Shaikenova 2019). Moreover, women are still in a weaker position than men in paid employment, and when shocks occur, gender gaps in time allocation do not narrow and sometimes widen.

The marital status of the partners is also a significant factor. Cohabitants have a more egalitarian household time distribution. Female cohabitants are more likely to prefer paid work to housework due to their less secure position than married women. (Shelton and John 1993)

Health and disability have an obvious impact on the allocation of responsibilities. Poor physical or mental health is a barrier to full household responsibilities. If a woman has poor health, there is a smaller gender gap in time distribution due to the inability of the woman to manage most of the household work (Kalabikhina and Shaikenova 2019).

The time distribution also differs depending on the age of the partners. Young couples have the smallest gender gaps in time allocation. Young partners often have egalitarian views, have children less often/later than middle-aged people, and use household appliances more often than older couples (Shelton and John 1993; Batalova and Cohen 2002; Carlsson-Kanyama and Lindén 2007).

Along with the availability of household appliances, other household characteristics are also significant (Kalabikhina and Shaikenova 2019). For example, living in urban areas is associated with less time in paid and unpaid work (Gimenez-Nadal and Molina 2020). Having a passenger car makes shopping easier, which may contribute to greater male inclusion in household chores. Moreover, delivery services, ranging from food to household appliances, are gaining in popularity. These characteristics are predominantly relevant to non-low-income households. As household wealth increases, so does the amount of services purchased to perform household duties.

Having children determines the partners’ time allocation. The birth of a child increases the amount of time spent on household chores. Moreover, the time allocation changes more for women (Shelton and John 1993; Bianchi et al. 2000; McGinnity and Russell 2008). The birth of the first child does not increase household time for men, but the birth of subsequent children does (Baxter et al. 2008).

Thus, gender gaps in time allocation are a part of the global problem of gender inequality. There are several approaches to explaining these gender gaps, supporting both economic and sociocultural conceptions of time allocation. Researchers of this gender issue have considered many factors – demographic, economic, social, and sociocultural. Many studies have found no significant shifts toward narrowing gender gaps in household time allocation.

This study employs the results of a household survey conducted by the Federal State Statistics Service of the Russian Federation in 2019 titled “Sample survey of the use of the daily time fund by the population” (Rosstat 2020). The sample covers 45,000 households, and its data are representative of urban and rural settlements, constituent entities of Russia, and the country. The sample of primary sampling units and households is formed on the basis of random sampling, and it is constructed using multiphase sampling with the implementation of two-stage sampling in the last phase. The unit of analysis is a household and persons aged ten and over living in private households.

The survey is conducted on the basis of special forms of federal statistical observation – questionnaires and time diaries. The information contained in the diaries is coded using the “activity codifier” for the “selective observation of the daily time use by the population”. In this article, we divided activities into five spheres: paid employment, household work, childcare, educational activities, leisure time and sleep, where the last sphere includes time for personal hygiene. Some activities were separate categories in time diaries and were not counted. For example, caring for family members outside the household. Household work is divided into the following main activities:

• Cooking, serving, and cleaning food, as well as other activities related to food service and food preparation;
• Cleaning and upkeep of the house;
• Maintenance and repair;
• Care of textiles and shoes (washing, drying, ironing, and repair);
• Household management (including finances, planning, etc.);
• Pet care;
• Purchase of goods and services;
• Driving (related to household activities and the purchase of goods and services).

In addition, we count only the time spent by a man and a woman who are partners, i.e., married or unmarried, on the above activities. We analyze both nuclear households, which include only partners and their children (if any), and extended households with other persons but only one pair of partners. Due to these limitations, the base sample of 45,000 households is reduced to 17,000. The reduced sample remained representative of the constituent entities of Russia and the country considering the shares of the regions.

The main focus is on gender time gaps, where gender gaps in the household time distribution are defined as the difference in minutes spent on housework between men and women (partners in the same household). Compared to the ratio, the gender gap expressed in minutes is more convenient for analysis. The value of this difference has no threshold or limit; the survey considers any value of a gender gap. Moreover, due to significant differences, the assessment of absolute values of gender gaps and their determinants are conducted separately for weekdays and weekends.

Based on the obtained sample, we conduct statistical and graphical analyses of gender gaps in household time distribution. Thus, we determine the differences in the distribution of partners’ time on weekdays and weekends, as well as by constituent entity of the Russian Federation. Afterward, we use the ordinary least-squares regression analysis to examine the relationship between socioeconomic and demographic determinants and gender gaps in time allocation.

The model of time distribution between partners – economic or socio-cultural – is determined on the basis of the direction of the relationship between the variables of gender gaps in the time distribution in the household and in the labor market.

A negative relationship indicates an economic model. Moreover, we built additional econometric models, considering the determinants characterizing sociocultural factors.

This study posits the following hypotheses:

Hypothesis 1: the economic model of household time distribution between partners prevails in Russia.

Hypothesis 2: in a number of constituent entities of the Russian Federation, the economic model of the household time distribution between partners has not yet taken shape (these are mainly national republics and southern regions of Russia).

Hypothesis 3: gender gaps in household time have a direct/inverse relationship with the following main determinants (Table 1).

In this paper, we have assessed the situation with gender gaps in the distribution of time on household activities in the Russian households at the national and regional levels. There is an asymmetry in the distribution of time spent on this type of activity in the Russian households. A larger share of housework is performed by women. The gender gap in the distribution of time differs between the constituent entities of the Russian Federation; there are regions with large and small gaps.

Based on the research of the last years, we have identified what exactly can be associated with the existence of gender gaps in the household. Previous researchers on this topic have identified many factors associated with the differences in time allocation between partners – demographic, economic, political, social, and sociocultural. The vast majority identified women’s education level and age, partners’ marital status, their economic status, and the presence of children and their age and gender as important factors. Some studies included household indicators, such as the availability of household appliances or a car, while others included institutional indicators. Special attention has been given to sociocultural factors that are difficult to assess.

In this paper, we have selected the main determinants that are significant in other studies and added some new ones that have not been analyzed before. To assess their association with the gender gap, we constructed several OLS models controlling for weekday and weekend differences. The regression models confirmed the importance of most of the estimated determinants, including both individual and household characteristics. New determinants such as food delivery, clothing delivery, delivery of household appliances, and pet care were found to be significant. These determinants reduce the gender gap in time spent on housework.

The importance of economic determinants, such as the number of hours worked, the availability of extra work, and the gender gap in paid employment, indicates that the economic pattern prevails on weekdays. On weekends, however, the importance of economic aspects decreases and there is a sharp increase in unpaid work by women, including working women.

Based on the values of gender gaps, we distinguished “progressive” and “patriarchal” regions. According to the hypothesis, the sociocultural pattern will be stronger in “patriarchal” regions. As for sociocultural characteristics, we took the average age of women having their first child by region and the share of the ethnic Russian population in the region. However, these determinants turned out to be significant not only in the “patriarchal” regions we selected but in more than half of the constituent entities of Russia. At the same time, the importance of sociocultural factors turned out to be higher on weekends.

To assess the role of sociocultural characteristics more accurately, we built an OLS model with cross-variables. This model showed that sociocultural factors can strengthen or weaken the effect of other factors. For example, they suppress the economic model in the regions of Russia, which can be noticed on weekends. Thus, the economic model of household time allocation dominates on weekdays and the sociocultural model dominates on weekends.

In this study, we analyze the distribution of partners’ time for housework only. Further research could focus on including care for household members – children, elderly family members, and the disabled.

I would like to express my special gratitude to my academic advisor Irina E. Kalabikhina, Doctor of Economics, Professor, Head of the Department of Population, Faculty of Economics, Lomonosov Moscow State University, for her valuable advice, constant support, and thoughtful guidance during the writing of this article.

Rosstat (2020) Selective observation of the daily time use by the population 2019. Federal State Statistics Service of the Russian Federation. URL: https://gks.ru/free_doc/new_site/population/urov/sut_fond19/index.html

Elina Bugdaeva – Expert at the Center for Support of Public and Scientific Initiatives, Elista, 358000, Russia. Email: elinabugdaevaa@gmail.com